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WATERWAYS AND CANAL CONSTRUCTION, 1700-1825. Buffalo, N.Y.

Part II

Edited by Stephen R. Powell

Excerpted from the book: Hill, Henry Wayland, Ed. Municipality of Buffalo, New York, A History. 1720-1923. Lewis Historical Publishing Company, Inc. New York. Chicago.

"Our business here is to locate the source of the canal. I write this with a view of Lake Erie from my open window. The wind northerly, and the surface of this sea gently ruffled-a square-rigged vessel sailing up the lake-a sail-boat passing to Canada, and a British vessel of war in sight. A little to the right is the site of Fort Erie, and before me I see the remains of a house destroyed in the general conflagration of this place. Some of our red brethren are in the street, and on the ruins of an old battery are some young gentlemen from the South contemplating the magnificent scenery of the lake." -DeWitt Clinton, July 8, 1816

New York State Acquires Canals

Survey Begins

The Digging Begins

Buffalo Versus Black Rock

Meeting of Citizens at Pomeroy's Tavern

Beginning of Harbor Work

Judge Samuel Wilkeson

Truly City Builders


New York State Acquires Canals

-Chapter 188 of the Laws of 1811 of New York State authorized the appointment of nine commissioners "to consider the matter of improving internal navigation;" and on June 19, 1812 an act was passed by the State Legislature empowering these commissioners "to purchase all the rights, interest and estate of the President, Directors and Stockholders of the Western Inland Lock Navigation Company, in the State of New York, of, in and to the inland waters of the State, together with the locks, canals, lands, and other property" of the company, "upon such terms and conditions as they, the commissioners, should deem reasonable." They were authorized "to procure voluntary cessions or grants of any lands for the proposed inland navigation from Lake Erie to the Hudson River," and to borrow a sum of money not exceeding five millions of dollars at six per cent. Upon a loan for not less than fifteen years, the State becoming liable for payment of principal and interest.

The War of 1812 interfered with the prosecution of canal matters, though several attempts were made in 1813 to repeal certain sections of the Act of June 19, 1812. In 1814 the State did repeal sections 3, 4 and 5, which gave the commissioners power to raise $5,000,000. The commissioners, Gouverneur Morris, Stephen Van Rensselaer, DeWitt Clinton, Simeon De Witt, William North, Thomas Eddy, Peter B. Porter, Robert R. Livingston and Robert Fulton, made another report to the Legislature, on March 8, 1814, and concluded their report "with an extract from a letter of the eminent English engineer, William Weston of the Inland Lock Navigation Company," which letter in part read: "Should your noble but stupendous plan of uniting Lake Erie with the Hudson be carried into effect, you have to fear no rivalry. The commerce of the immense extent of the country, bordering on the upper lakes, is yours forever, and to such an incalculable amount as would baffle all conjecture to conceive."

Annexed to the report was "a schedule of cessions of land agreed to be made to the People of the State by the Holland Land Company and others." The Holland Land Company offered, conditionally, to cede to the State "100,632 acres of land in Cattaraugus county, in aid of the canal." The commissioners went forward with their work, so far as was possible; but had very limited powers. On March 8, 1816, they reported to the Legislature as follows:

"During the late War it was impracticable to carry on any further operations to forward the objects of their appointments, by pursuing the surveys and. levels heretofore commenced with a view to ascertain the most desirable route for the proposed canal from Lake Erie to the tidewaters of the Hudson River. * * * It now remains for the Legislature to provide means to enable the commissioners to engage a competent professional engineer to examine minutely the whole of the ground and decide on the most expedient route. * * * From the number and respectability of the applications now before the Legislature in favor of an immediate commencement and vigorous prosecution of this great National work, it is evident that the immense advantages which would result from its completion are duly appreciated by our fellow citizens * * * and they most respectfully represent to the Legislature the expedience of adopting such preliminary as measures as may be necessary for the accomplishment of this important object."

Memorials in favor of the canal construction were many; petitions of the inhabitants of many places, including Buffalo, were presented to the Legislature in 1816. One of the most active in securing signatures throughout the State to a memorial favoring canal navigation between the Hudson and Lake Erie was De Witt Clinton, then the Mayor of New York City. Clinton, Swartwout, Eddy and Colden were appointed a committee to prepare a memorial, such action being taken by "a large and respectable assemblage" of citizens on December 3, 18l5, at the City Hotel, New York City. The document, however, was actually the work of only one man, De Witt Clinton. The memorial is known in canal history as the "New York Memorial," and was an able review. It was presented to the Assembly on February 21, 1816, and was, as stated by one writer, "the foundation of the present system of internal navigation." Mr. Henry W. Hill, in his "Waterways and Canal Construction in New York State," refers to the emorial thus: "This memorial was the most comprehensive statement ever made to a legislative body in America, setting for the advantages to accrue from inland water navigation. It * * * made a deep impression on the legislators of that day." And it definitely brought De Witt Clinton into first place among the leaders of the Canal movement.

A joint committee of the State Senate and Assembly, headed by Stephen Van Rensselaer, reported favorably on March 21, 1816, and estimated the expense of completing a canal to Lake Erie to be $6,000,000. (The actual original cost was eventually found to have been $7,143,789.) James Geddes and Benjamin Wright were consulted on matters of engineering and costs, and "an Act for Improving the Internal Navigation" of the State was before the Assembly early in April. On April 15, 1816, the bill had its third reading, and was passed, there being ninety-one affirmative votes, and only eighteen negative votes.

On the following day the bill was before the Senate, and on April 17, 1816, Chapter 237 was passed, appointing Stephen Van Rensselaer, De Witt Clinton, Samuel Young, Joseph Ellicott and Myron Holley as commissioners, to consider, devise, and adopt such measures as may or shall be requisite, to facilitate and effect the communication by means of canals and locks, between the navigable waters of Hudson's river and Lake Erie, and the said navigable waters and Lake Champlain." The bill passed by the Assembly had been much amended in the Senate, eight names being stricken from the list of commissioners, and also all clauses authorizing construction.

Survey Begins

1816-The commissioners met in New York City on May 17, 1816, and organized by electing DeWitt Clinton as president, Samuel Young secretary, and Myron Holley treasurer. The Erie Canal route was divided into three sections, and an engineer assigned to each. The engineers were Charles C. Brodhead, Benjamin Wright, and James Geddes, the last-named being given charge of the westernmost section, that extending from Lake Erie to Seneca River. A fourth engineer was engaged, William Peacock, who was "to explore and survey the country from the east line of the Holland Purchase to Buffalo south of the ridge under the supervision of Joseph Ellicott, Esquire, to determine as to whether or not the canal might not be constructed more economically along that route."

Employment of William Weston, as engineer of Canal Affairs, had long been sought by the commissioners, who made him an offer of a salary of seven thousand dollars a year to induce him to come to America. He, however, finally refused, and for a while there was no expert general supervision, each sectional engineer being responsible for the work in his own section.

Governor Tompkins on November 5, 1816, asked the Legislature to consider the question of employing convicts, "State prisoners," on public works, especially mentioning the work of "constructing canals." He was the first State official to make such a proposal, and his "brief reference to the canals was interpreted to mean a hostility on the Governor's part which he later plainly demonstrated."

Two of the commissioners, accompanied by two of the engineers, visited the Middlesex canal in Massachusetts before beginning to survey the Erie route. Upon their return, they and the engineers put definite plans forward, their report favoring the construction of a canal forty feet wide at the water surface and twenty-eight feet at the bottom, the water to be four feet in depth, and locks ninety feet long and twelve feet wide, to admit vessels of 100 tons burthen. Such a canal from Lake Erie, by way of Tonawanda, Seneca River, Rome, Schoharie Creek, to Albany, a distance of approximately 353 miles, could be constructed at an expenditure of $4,881,738, it was estimated.

The report of the engineers disclosed that the bed of Tonawanda Creek might be used for the canal purposes for a distance of seventeen miles, at a cost of only $18,700. The natural conditions were different, the engineers found, on this creek, than on others along the route. Precautionary measures would have to be taken in following other natural channels. The engineers, through the commissioners, stated that: "In most cases, experience is decidedly against making use of the channels of natural streams on any part of the route of a canal navigation. These streams are so apt to produce injury to the artificial works with which they are connected, by freshets in the spring with a strong and muddy current, by want of water in the fall, and the sudden changes to which they are liable at all seasons, that they should be avoided, except as feeders, almost always when it is practicable. But to these remarks the Tonawanda affords an exception." Which aversion to the use of natural waterways was evidenced in the route taken by the original Erie Canal.

The survey undertaken by William Peacock, under direction of Joseph Ellicott, showed that an elevation of seventy-four feet would have to be overcome, and the canal fed by streams along the route. The northern route would save 148 feet of lockage, and would be supplied directly from Lake Erie, but the commissioners refused for a long while to favor it, because such costly rock-cutting would be necessary at Lockport Endeavor was made to float a loan in Europe, or to ascertain whether financial aid from outside would be possible; and the possibility of securing aid from the National Government was never overlooked. Response from other States was not encouraging, Ohio alone offering New York "such aid as its resources should justify." Little could be hoped for from that source, for Ohio was at that time but sparsely settled, being barely out of its first decade of statehood. But, following passage in the national Houses of Congress, in the winter of 1816-17, of a bill, introduced by John C. Calhoun, "apportioning among the several States, for constructing roads and canals, dividends from stock owned by the United States in the National Bank," the president of the Board of Canal Commissioners of New York wrote to Congress stating that the canal commissioners had seen "with great pleasure the outlines of a plan for appropriating a considerable fund to the internal improvement of the country." By this measure, New York State would receive about $80,000 a year, and the portion of some other interested States might be added to the New York fund. But the hopes of the commissioners were ended when President Madison, "as one of the last acts of his public life," vetoed the measure on constitutional grounds.

DeWitt Clinton went forward with his plans and, though his canal policy brought him many enemies, persisted in his efforts; and to him is attributed the definite action taken by the New York Legislature in 1817. "On March 18, 18l7, the joint committee of the Senate and Assembly made a most favorable report recommending the immediate commencement of operations between Rome and the Seneca River and between Lake Champlain and the Hudson. It was deemed wise to undertake only a portion of the Erie Canal at first, in order to prove whether estimates of cost were correct." The struggle was bitter, especially in the Assembly, Southern representatives opposing the measure very generally. New York City, Clinton's stronghold, voted solidly against it in both Assembly and Senate. In the Assembly debates, William B. Rochester, of Buffalo, took able part, but the fight was not won until Elisha Williams, of Columbia, delivered his masterly speech in its favor. Turning to a leading member of the New York City delegation, he said: "If the canal is to be a shower of gold, it will fall upon New York; if a river of gold, it will flow into her lap."

The most able speech made in the Senate was by Martin Van Buren, who strongly favored the Canal Act, notwithstanding that he "was known to be working to defeat Clinton's election as Governor." He declared that "he should consider his vote for the measure the most important vote he ever gave in his life." The bill passed from the Senate on April 15, 1817, and became Chapter 262 of the Laws of 1817.

The bill was almost lost, however, in the deliberations of the Council of Revision. Governor Tompkins had been elected Vice-President of the United States, and the power of veto was held by the Council of Revision, which consisted of Lieutenant-Governor Taylor, Chancellor Kent, and the judges of the Supreme Court. The deliberations indicated that the president of the Council would have to use his casting vote. He was against the measure. But while the deliberations were in progress, Vice-President Tompkins came into the council chamber, and "joined in the argument." He condemned the bill, giving as his reason that all revenue ought to be used "in providing arsenals, arming the militia, erecting fortifications, and preparing for war." Further interrogated by Chancellor Kent, he gave it as his firm conviction that the United States would be at war with England within two years. The Chancellor then rising from his seat, with great animation, declared: "If we must have war, or have a canal, I am in favor of the canal, and I vote for the bill." His vote gave the proponents the majority, whereas he had earlier in the discussion expressed an intention to vote against it. So that Vice-President Tompkins' unsolicited intrusion and opposition caused the bill to become law.

The Act created a canal fund, which would be controlled by a board consisting of the Lieutenant-Governor, the Comptroller, the Attorney General, the Surveyor-General, the Secretary and the Treasurer of the State; and this board was authorized to borrow money on the credit of the State sufficient to yield, for purposes of canal construction, $400,000 a year. The Act also authorized the commissioners to purchase the rights of the Western Inland Lock Navigation Company.

The Digging Begins

No time was lost. Operations were begun at Rome by Benjamin Wright, who early in the spring had begun a reexamination of the survey of the previous year. On June 27, 1817, the first contract was let, and on July Fourth of that year (1817), the work of construction was actually begun "just west of Rome in the vicinity of the Arsenal," with appropriate ceremonies, judge Joshua Hathaway, president of the village of Rome, placing the spade in the hands of the commissioners. Judge Richardson, the first contractor, "thrust the spade into the ground, making the first excavation" of the Erie Canal. He was followed "by the assembled citizens and his own laborers, all eager to join in the labors of this memorable occasion." Thus, "amid the acclamations of the people and the discharge of artillery" was ushered in a great undertaking, which Commissioner Young, on that day, hoped would proceed to "speedy accomplishment," the workers being "cheered with the anticipated benedictions of a grateful posterity."

During the year, fifty-eight miles of the Erie Canal had been placed under contract, and one contract bad been completed and the settlement made for it. The whole of the work accomplished in that year would, "if concentrated," equal about fifteen miles of completed canal, it was estimated. And the work done indicated that the estimates of cost prepared in the previous year were reliable. Some excavation was also done on the Champlain Canal, which was in charge of Engineer Geddes.

Another victory for the canal policy of the State was gained in that year, DeWitt Clinton being elected Governor on that issue. The voting showed a large majority in his favor, and of course in favor of the canal projects. In Erie county Clinton received 737 votes, and his opponent only 310 votes.

Buffalo Versus Black Rock

-The visit of DeWitt Clinton and other canal commissioners to Buffalo in 1816 may be supposed to have brought the rivalry of the two villages definitely into State records. As a matter of fact, however, the rivalry was just as keen ten years earlier, only at that time the rivals were fewer. In 1805 or 1806 the principal rivals were, it would seem, the Ellicotts, of or for Buffalo, and the Porters, of or for Black Rock. Joseph Ellicott saw quite clearly in the first years of the nineteenth century that Black Rock possessed superior natural advantages; and had it been within the Holland Purchase, he would probably have chosen the site of Black Rock for that of his "New Amsterdam," or Buffalo. In 18O2 he wrote to Paul Busti, general agent for the Holland Land Company, urging him to open for sale the lands at Buffalo without delay, otherwise he feared the opportunity would pass, for adjoining it was, land (which became Black Rock) "equally or more advantageous for a town than Buffalo." Black Rock had a natural harbor; ships could not reach Buffalo. The Porter brothers, Augustus and Peter B., at once saw the superiority of Black Rock in this respect, and made very strenuous efforts to monopolize the harbor facilities at that point as soon as the State Mile Strip had been opened, and Black Rock had been surveyed. And even before that time the Porters had been actively engaged in shipping, and also it seems in shipbuilding, at Black Rock.

Louis Etienne Le Couteulx de Caumont, in 1803, saw Buffalo's disadvantage. He also saw what would be needed to remedy the condition. In a letter to Joseph Ellicott, who was then at Batavia, Count de Canmont wrote, on July 19, 1803: "There is a possibility of making a good harbor at Buffalo in spite of the Barr which is at its entrance. I am sure that Yankes can remove it, if Hollanders will not undertake it."

Le Couteulx wished he were near his "friends, Theopilas Casenove and Van Staphurst," principals of the Holland Land Company, so that be might point out to them how much could be made of Buffalo by a few judiciously executed public improvements. On July 2oth he wrote again to Ellicott stating that he intended to "write by duplicate to my friends Messrs. Vanstaphorst * * * (to) * * * let them know the possibility either of removing the Barr which is at the mouth of Buffalo Creek, so as to make it a safe harbour for all the vessels that navigate on the lake, or cut a canal from the mouth of said creek to Black Rock." He, perhaps, was the first to suggest cutting a canal from Buffalo to Black Rock, and was some years ahead of other harbor-makers in suggesting the removal of the sandbar.

For no other reason perhaps than that Erastus Granger had influence with the National Government, Buffalo Creek was made a port of entry in 1805. Black Rock resented this action, and some years later prevailed upon the Government to order the Collector of the Port of Buffalo Creek to conduct the affairs of the Port from a Black Rock office for six months of each year, the busy half-year, the season of navigation, May to November. The remainder of the year, the period in which there would be no business, the Collector was permitted to give to the shipping business of Buffalo, which was almost nonexistent. Collector Granger, somewhat incensed, wrote to the Secretary of the Treasury, claiming for Buffalo a population of forty-three families, "besides unmarried men," while Black Rock, he asserted, consisted of no more than one white and two black families, a temporary ferry-house and tavern, "under the bank." But all lake mariners knew that Black Rock also had the harbor, and was in fact the port for Buffalo.

Major Thomas W. Symons, of the Corps of Engineers, U. S. Army, in 1902 compiled a "History of Buffalo Harbor," from records to which he had access in the United States Engineers' Office at Buffalo. His review was published in Volume V of the Publications of the Buffalo Historical Society. He began his historical review, in part, as follows:

"The rapids at the extreme bead of the Niagara precluded the use of this river as a harbor in which the small sailing boats of that day (first decade of nineteenth century) navigating the Great Lakes could find a refuge and discharge and take on cargo. Some protection was required by vessels in harbor against the storms of Lake Erie, and this was furnished to a certain extent by a small island called Bird Island, situated just at the head of the Niagara River on the American side. Behind this little island the small vessels of the day could get a partial shelter, and on the river bank at this sheltered spot the village of Black Rock was started, and its projectors and early settlers built high hopes of its becoming the chief commercial emporium at the foot of Lake Erie.

"But the spirit of enterprise and rivalry was abroad. About two miles above Black Rock a small stream known as Buffalo Creek emptied its waters into Lake Erie, and about its mouth a little settlement was started. Buffalo Creek was available for canoes for some eight or ten miles above its mouth; in the latter part of its course for a mile or more it was deep enough to float the largest lake ship of the time, but there was a troublesome sandbar at its mouth, and the entrance to the creek was uncertain, crooked and bad, making the inner harbor very difficult, and sometimes impossible of entrance. 'If this wretched bar could be removed and the entrance rendered straight and stable, Buffalo Creek is a better harbor than Black Rock.' So said the early Buffalonians. This was scoffed at by the Black Rockers, and an intense rivalry sprang up between these two frontier villages, about two miles apart."

There were many Buffalonians, in those years of poverty following the War of 1812-15, who were almost fully occupied in pursuing immediate tasks made imperative by their need, if they would live, and so they gave but little heed to civic, or public matters. But others, who were perhaps better circumstanced, were able to take up matters of the public welfare. One resident, in particular, centered his efforts on harbor matters; and he, Samuel Wilkeson, who contributed much to the making of Buffalo Harbor history, has left a clearly written record of the events which ultimately gave Buffalo the victory over Black Rock, in harbor and canal matters. Buffalo was a poverty-stricken little frontier settlement at the time Samuel Wilkeson came to the burned village soon after the War Of 1812-15, and decided to make his abode in it. In his "Recollections of the West, and the First Building of Buffalo Harbor," preserved in Volume V of the Publications of the Buffalo Historical Society, judge Samuel Wilkeson wrote:

"The war which had swept over the Niagara frontier had impoverished the inhabitants of the little place that has since grown into the City of the Lakes. Their property had been destroyed-they were embarrassed by debts contracted in rebuilding their houses which had been burned by the enemy; they were without capital to prosecute to advantage mechanical or mercantile employments; without a harbor or any means of participating in the lake trade, and were suffering, with the country at large, all the evils of a deranged currency. In the midst of these accumulated embarrassments, the construction of the Erie Canal was begun, and promised help. However distant might be the time of its completion, Buffalo was to be its terminating point; and when the canal was completed our village would become a city. But no craft larger than a canoe could enter Buffalo Creek. All forwarding business was done at Black Rock, and the three or four small vessels that were owned in Buffalo received and discharged their cargoes at that place. A harbor was then indispensably necessary at the terminus of the canal; and unless one could be constructed at Buffalo before the western section of the canal was located, it might terminate at Black Rock. This was the more to be apprehended as the opinion prevailed that harbors could not be made on the lakes at the mouths of the rivers. But a harbor we were resolved to have."

 

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It does not seem that the visit of the canal commissioners to Buffalo in 1816 brought immediately into notice the bitter rivalry that a year or two later became extremely active. Possibly Buffalonians had almost by 1816 given up hope that the long-discussed canal would ever reach Lake Erie. The commissioners came to Buffalo in 1816, but it was generally known that no funds were available with which they might execute their plans in canal construction. Moreover, the letters of DeWitt Clinton, then a commissioner, seem to indicate that it had already been definitely decided that Buffalo was to be the western terminus of the Erie Canal. So that Buffalonians could then be well content to "rest on their oars."


IMAGES

Buffalo in 1827

The Eagle Tavern

Black Rock in 1825

Mayor Sheldon Thompson

Liberty Pole


On the other hand, Black Rock perhaps felt that there was no need for immediate excitement, seeing that the money with which to even begin the canal work was not in sight. They did not become very active in opposition, until after the Act of April 15, 1817, had provided the ways and means. Black Rockers were obviously exceedingly apprehensive and strenuous in proclaiming the superiority of Black Rock over Buffalo, in harbor facilities, from the moment construction began near Rome (Fort Stanwix) on July 4, 1817, to the fatal day, five years later, when the canal commissioners confirmed the 1816 opinion of DeWitt Clinton by making Buffalo the terminus of the canal. And even then their opposition did not end.

Writing to his friend, Colonel Henry Post, of New York City, from Buffalo on July 8, 1816, DeWitt Clinton marveled at the possibilities of growth he saw in Buffalo. He wrote:

"My Dear Sir: *** All the commissioners are here except

V. Rennselaer. ***

"Our business here is to locate the source of the canal. I write this with a view of Lake Erie from my open window. The wind northerly, and the surface of this sea gently ruffled-a square-rigged vessel sailing up the lake-a sail-boat passing to Canada, and a British vessel of war in sight. A little to the right is the site of Fort Erie, and before me I see the remains of a house destroyed in the general conflagration of this place. Some of our red brethren are in the street, and on the ruins of an old battery are some young gentlemen from the South contemplating the magnificent scenery of the lake. When we look to the past and conceive that about thirty years ago this land flowing with milk and honey (I speak figuratively.) was exclusively occupied by the wandering Tartars of America-that since that period it has been the theatre of naval and military achievements which will render it classic ground to future generations-that these immense seas will in a few years be whitened with commerce-that they will be connected by inland navigation with the ocean, and that the place where I now write will, in all human probability, before the passing away of the present generation, be the second city in the State-the mind is lost in wonder and perplexed and confounded with the immensity of the ideas which press upon it."

Evidently, therefore, Clinton had no doubt that Buffalo, and not Black Rock, was to be the coming city of the Lakes. Writing from Utica a fortnight later, on August 14, 1816, Clinton made a definite statement. He wrote: "I am so far on my way back. * * * The- commissioners are now all scattered. * * * Buffalo is to be the point of beginning, and in 50 years it will be next to N. York in wealth and population."

David Thomas, "principal engineer of the Erie Canal, west of the Genesee River" in 1822, stated, in a letter then sent "to a gentleman in Albany," that the plan adopted by the canal commissioners in 1816, "on account of taking the highest level from Lake Erie" and thus having "a foot or two of excavation all the way to Lockport," was to continue the canal excavation "from a point above the lower end of Squaw Island, up the shore of the river, by Black Rock, in the rear of the storehouses, to a point above that village; and then extend it on a right line, through the Buffalo Swamp, in the rear of the sand bank, into Buffalo Creek." The opinion was confirmed in 1822, because termination of the canal at Buffalo Creek "would secure a supply of water, and be most free from accidents and casualties of any kind." Hence, it seems that political influence had. no part in the 1816 decision. There is no doubt, however, that political influence subsequently made it extremely uncertain whether the canal would terminate at Buffalo or at Black Rock.

Providential aid came to Buffalo it seemed, from a quite unexpected quarter. Fulton's application of steam engines to the purpose of propelling ships would hardly be thought to have had any bearing on the harbor controversy between Buffalo and Black Rock; but in the initial passage of the first lake steamboat, the "Walk-in-the-Water," from Black Rock to Lake Erie, it was demonstrated that Black Rock had grave natural disadvantages as a harbor. Johnson's "History of Erie County" (1876), contains the following account of the exciting emergence of the pioneer steamboat from Black Rock, where she had been built, into Lake Erie:

"A hundred and thirty-nine years after the gallant La Salle entered Lake Erie with the pioneer sail-vessel, there occurred at the same point a similar event, which, though lacking the heroic and romantic elements of the earlier scene, was yet a matter of intense interest to a great number of people.

"In the previous November (1817) two or three capitalists had come from New York to Black Rock, and caused to be laid the keel of the first steamboat which any one had ever attempted to build above the great cataract. In the spring the work was pressed forward, and on the 28th of May, 1818, the new vessel was launched amid the acclamations of a host of spectators. It received the appropriate and striking name of 'Walk-in-the-Water,' partly because it did walk in the water, and partly in honor of a great Wyandot chieftain who once bore that peculiar cognomen.

"The new steamer was ready for use about the middle of August, and then occurred a reproduction of La Salle's experience, with an element of the ludicrous superadded. Again and again the 'Walk-in-the-Water' essayed to steam up the rapids into the lake, and again and again it was compelled to fall back, its engines not being strong enough for the purpose.

"At length, after several days of unavailing trials, the owners to their intense mortification were compelled to apply to Capt. Sheldon Thompson, of Black Rock, for the loan of his celebrated 'Horn Breeze,' that is to say, of a dozen yoke of oxen used to drag sail-vessels up the rapids, and which * * * the sailors had dubbed by that peculiar title.

Buffalo Mayor Sheldon Thompson

"On the 23rd of August another trial was made. The 'Horn-Breeze' was duly attached by a cable to the vessel, and steam was generated to the utmost capacity of the boilers. The stokers flung wood into the fireplaces, the drivers swung their whips, and with steam-power and ox-power combined the vessel moved slowly up the rapids.

"Ere long the difficulty was passed, smooth water was reached, the 'Horn-Breeze' was detached, and thus, * * * the 'Walk-in-the-Water' inaugurated the second great era of lake navigation."

It may be supposed that Buffalonians noted this flaw in Black Rock's harbor claims; and it encouraged those in Buffalo who were seeking to get harbor improvements effected. It was evident to all that Buffalo could very favorably compete with Black Rock, if satisfactory harbor work were carried out.

Meeting of Citizens at Pomeroy's Tavern

Following the visit of the commissioners to Buffalo in 1816, and the understanding then arrived at that Buffalo should be the terminus of the Erie Canal, a meeting of citizens was held at Pomeroy's tavern, Buffalo, on November 15, 1816, to "take into consideration the improvement of the harbor," Samuel Wilkeson and others probably being well aware that the decision of the canal commissioners in favor of Buffalo "hinged upon the creation of a safe harbor, capable, without much expense, of sufficient enlargement for the accommodation of all boats and vessels that a very extensive trade may hereafter require." What was accomplished at that meeting of citizens is not recorded. Apparently, action was deferred.

The State, however, had a liability, and some time in 1817 or early in 1818 application was made to the State Legislature "for a survey of the creek." John Busti, agent of the Holland Land Company, wrote to Joseph Ellicott from Philadelphia, on February 22, 1817, stating that though he had grown incredulous of ever seeing the canal "perfected if begun," he was nevertheless quite willing to deliver the "old deed of the large tract situated along the Pensilvania boundary line," to the State, and also "offer the site of excavation for the Canal and the towpath," but, he added:

"I have connected this gratuitous grant with the condition that the outlet of Buffalo Creek be converted into a safe place of refuge for the vessels navigating the lake. The usefulness of a harbour there is striking. So much so that I wonder that it has not even been mentioned in the numerous publications edited on the Canal. Probably this omission originated in the wish to avoid stirring the jealousy of the Black Rock partisans."

The application for a survey was made by the citizens of Buffalo, and is referred to in a letter dated March 14, 1818, from Charles Townsend, "one of the Committee of Inhabitants of Buffalo relative to harbor," to William Peacock. An act was passed on April 10, 1818, "authorizing the survey, and directing the supervisors of the County of Niagara to pay three dollars a day to the surveyor, and to assess the amount upon the county." William Peacock made the survey, in the fall of 1818; and did so gratuitously, stated Samuel Wilkeson.

A serious weakening of Buffalo's representation on the Canal Commission occurred in the summer of 1818. On June 29th, Joseph Ellicott wrote to Governor Clinton, feeling it to be "an incumbent duty to decline or resign the honorable appointment confided in me by the Legislature." Regarding this action by Mr. Ellicott, it would seem that his superior in the service of the Land Company, Mr. Busti, did not consider it to be advantageous to the Holland Land Company, for he wrote to Mr. Ellicott on September 4th, as follows:

"Your demission as Commissioner to the Canal supported by reason of incompatibility with your duties as stationary Agent I cannot condemn. This however does not take away any part of the regret I feel at your giving it in at the important epoch of deciding whether intrigue has to stop the work at the Seneca lake, or whether the scheme is to be followed up."

It was not in fact until April 7th of the next year, 1819, that those interested could be sure that the canal construction would get beyond Seneca Lake. On that date an act was passed "authorizing the construction of the canal from the ends of the middle section, westerly to Lake Erie, and easterly to the Hudson." The measure met with little opposition in the Assembly, but it was evident that the opposition to it in the Senate was strong. Indeed, the bill would probably have been defeated, "but for the loyal support of Mr. Van Buren and Colonel Young." Only after the passage of this bill was the State in a position to accept the grants of lands offered to it by the Holland Land Company, a condition of the grants being "that the canal be completed for boats of at least five tons burden by 1842." The State accepted this and another grant, by the Act of April 13, 1819, and six days earlier had passed an act which appropriated $12,000 "for a harbor at the mouth of Buffalo Creek on Lake Erie."

Beginning of Harbor Work

-Leading up to this last act was much good work by Buffalonians and much opposition by Black Rock, and also by Grand Island, on which it was proposed to carry out extensive harbor works (at State expense), and found the "City of Erie." An argument supporting such a plan ridiculed Buffalo's aspirations thus:

"There has lately been laid on the tables of the Legislature a report by William Peacock, Esq., on a plan for a harbor for the east end of Lake Erie. * * * In this harbor must meet all the numerous vessels of the upper lakes, and the almost countless boats of the Erie Canal. Above all things the harbor ought to be a capacious one. Buffalo Creek! Where two schooners can but just pass each other-this can never be the place."

William Peacock had submitted his report on Buffalo Harbor to the State Legislature in January, 1819, and had recommended the building "of a stone pier, 660 feet long, 30 feet wide at the bottom and 10 feet wide at the top and rising six feet above the surface of Lake Erie," the cost of which work he estimated would be $12,787.25, if built of stone, but only $10,514.37 if built of wood. He also gave his reasons for considering Buffalo Creek to be "the most eligible spot for a harbour at the Eastern extremity of Lake Erie."

It was deemed encouraging that the State should have authorized the survey, and that it should have been made, and more encouraging still that Buffalo Creek should be so favorably considered. But, as Samuel Wilkeson wrote: "Then came the important question, where to get the money to build this harbor? At that day no one thought of looking to Congress for appropriations, and there was no encouragement to apply to the Legislature of the State. The citizens could not raise the means, however willing they might have been." Various schemes were suggested to raise ways and means. One plan hinged on the revenue possible from a suggested lottery; another upon the successful formation of an incorporated company. The latter was the one eventually favored. To support local endeavors, it seems that the "Committee of Inhabitants of Buffalo Relative to Harbor" sought to obtain financial assistance from the Land Company. They were more successful than they perhaps had anticipated. Joseph Ellicott addressed Jonas Harrison, of Buffalo, on December 14, 1818, upon the matter as follows:

* * * "Permit me to mention that it has always been my opinion that the most proper way was to commence this project with the money we could raise from our own subscriptions, and if the accomplishment of the object to answer the end in view was greater than our means, then to petition the Legislature for some aid. I have on account of the Holland Company and self about $3,500, which I shall appropriate to this object, if the plan appears to me a feasible one; and I am persuaded that sum alone, provided the business should be conducted with a due regard to economy, will effect the object so far as to give all the vessels that navigate Lake Erie free egress and regress with the harbour in the mouth of Buffalo Creek."

However, in view of the estimate made by William Peacock, and of the impoverished state of the citizens in general, the Buffalo Committee called a public meeting, at which it was decided to send an agent ("the Hon. Charles Townsend") to Albany, to "appeal for aid from the State." But Buffalo's case ", as, it seems, soon' prejudiced by the formation of a company known as the Buffalo Harbor Company, the principals of which were Jonas Harrison, Ebenezer Walden, Heman B. Potter, J. G. Camp, Oliver Forward, Albert H. Tracy, Ebenezer Johnson, Ebenezer F. Norton and Charles Townsend. Samuel Wilkeson states that judge Townsend was sent to Albany "to obtain a loan" of $12,000, but other records indicate that the projectors expected a "donation" from the State. The formation of a private harbor company introduced another aspect, and gave another angle of thought to legislators. Senator David E. Evans, writing from Albany on February 25, 1819, to his uncle, Joseph Ellicott, pointed out that the organization of a harbor company had lessened the possibility of getting a grant:

"The foolish project of a company for the purpose of forming a harbor, which you so justly in my opinion deprecate, had like to have been the means of ruining all chance of obtaining any grant whatever. I was certain it would have a bad effect and hoped it would not be discovered by any of the Committee, but Genl. J. Rutser van Rensselaer found the notice for it to-day in one of the newspapers and asked me if it would not be best to incorporate such a company, as he knew it would be extremely difficult to get anything from the State."

On April 7, 1819, the Act was passed, but it added to the perplexities of the Buffalonians who were named in it. Johnson's "History of Erie County" writes as follows on the point: "The State passed a law to loan twelve thousand dollars for the required purpose, to be secured by the bonds and mortgages of individuals for twice that amount. If the State officials should approve the harbor when finished, they had the privilege of taking it, and canceling the indebtedness; if not, the company would have to pay the bonds and reimburse themselves out of tolls."

Judge Samuel Wilkeson

Judge Samuel Wilkeson was not then a member of the company, though he came into the combination later in that year, when it seemed that failure was imminent. He writes:

"The year 1819 was one of great financial embarrassment, and nowhere was the pressure or want of money more sensibly felt than in the lake country. It had no market, and its produce was of little value. Some of the associates became embarrassed and others discouraged. The summer passed away, and finally all refused to execute the required securities, except judge Townsend and judge Forward. Thus matters stood in December. 1819. Unless the conditions of the loan should be complied with, the appropriation would be lost, and another might not easily be obtained: for the project of a harbor at Black Rock, and the termination of the canal at that place, were advocated by influential men, and the practicability of making a harbor at the mouth of Buffalo Creek was seriously questioned.

"At this crisis, judge Wilkeson, who had declined being on the original company, came forward, and with Messrs. Townsend and Forward, agreed to make the necessary security. This was perfected during the winter * * * each individual giving his several bond and mortgage for $8,000. The money thus loaned was received in the spring."

Their risk was great, for they had not only to risk the harbor works, which it was thought would prove inadequate for the purpose, but they had to live in constant dread that the opposing political influences would in the end prevent the completion of the Canal to Buffalo Creek. So they sought to get the Holland Land Company to support them in the undertaking. On April 30, 1820, a letter signed by "Olv. Forward, Sam'l Wilkeson, Chs. Townsend and Geo. Coit, was addressed to Paul Busti Esq'r, Agent of the Holl'd L'd Company," in which letter the writers referred to the offer Mr. Ellicott, on behalf of the Holland Land Company and himself, had made in 1818. They explained:

"Believing that sum ($3,500) inadequate, and that there was but little probability of even that being expended, application was again made to the Legislature in 1819 for a grant of Money, but instead of a donation, which was expected, an Act was passed authorizing a loan on individual Security. This at the time was supposed would enable the persons named in the law to improve the harbor without much personal risk or liability, as it was believed the canal would terminate at this place, and that the Canal Commissioners would undertake the work and authorize the loan to be converted into part of the Canal fund."

The letter goes on to state what has been the result of the political manipulations during the year since the passage of the act, and showed that there was at that time grave doubt whether the Grand Canal would ever reach Buffalo Creek. Two other routes had in the meantime been under consideration, and indeed had actually been surveyed, and the commissioners were at that moment in such doubt that, stated the Buffalonians, "they decline making the decision required by law, as they have not yet determined on the route of the Canal at this extremity of it," Further, the letter pointed out: "From their (the Commissioners') Report to the Legislature and from other circumstances we are induced to believe that it may terminate at Tonawanda Creek. In that event the harbor at this place would be useless to the State, and of but little value to us, as the business of the place would be removed to the vicinity of Grand Island."

Notwithstanding "these discouraging appearances," the four resolute Buffalonians proposed "to construct a pier nearly similar to that proposed by, Mr. Peacock," if the Holland Land Company would cooperate with them. They wrote to Mr. Busti directly, they explained, because Mr. Ellicott seemed so much opposed to their undertaking as to even refuse to lend them "a pile driver, which we understand he sometime since purchased for the ostensible purpose of making the proposed pier."

Mr. Busti wrote in reply, from Philadelphia, on May 11, 1820, refusing to cooperate, and giving as his reason that public works undertaken by private companies were not so sure of being eventually carried through to "confection" as "when assumed by States and Governments." He even felt that in the matter of the pile driver he had no authority. "Mr. Ellicott is the master to do with the pile driver as he thinks fit;" but, he added: "I believe him to be too reasonable as to deny to You the use of it on suitable terms."

Truly City Builders

-They were truly City Builders, those four Buffalonians who went forward with their harbor plans despite well-nigh overwhelming deterrents. They had had to follow the bewildering twists and turns of the State Canal Policy; they had followed anxiously the effort made by the enemies of Governor Clinton, early in 1820, "to strike another blow which * * * would be fatal to the continuation of the work" and prevent the building of the western section of the Canal; they had ever before them the constant striving of the people of Black Rock to defeat the harbor plans of Buffalo, or at least render the harbor useless; and they bad seen, or were destined soon to see, in the first few weeks of actual harbor work carried out at Buffalo under the direction of "an experienced harbor builder" they had engaged, that their $12,000 fund was distressingly small and inadequate. They fortunately discharged the "experienced harbor builder" before he had carried even his preparatory work far; and they dared not put their fund, which in fact involved their own private fortunes, in the hands of another expert, or of any engineer, trained in the public works of Government and State, knowing that such training did not, as a rule, emphasize economy. They had to husband their resources, for it was their all; and failure in this harbor work would mean insolvency to them, personally. Less resolute men than were the few Buffalonians who were determined that Buffalo should have a harbor, would probably have halted at that point and returned the $12,000 to the State. But they bad resolved to see the project through to success; and so, having no alternative, they looked among themselves for a superintendent. Samuel Wilkeson writes, regarding their quandary:

"Mr. Townsend was an invalid, and consequently unable to perform the duty. Mr. Forward was wanting in practical experience that was necessary. Mr. Wilkeson had never seen a harbor, and was engaged in business that required his unremitted attention. But rather than that the effort should be abandoned, he finally consented to undertake the superintendence, and proceeded immediately to mark out a spot for the erection of a shanty on the beach, between the creek and the lake. * * * The boarding-house and sleeping-room were completed that same day.

"Having abandoned his own private business, Mr. Wilkeson called his men out to work the next morning by daylight-without suitable tools, without boats, teams, or scows. Neither the plan of the work nor its precise location was settled. But the harbor was commenced."

Samuel Wilkeson was a man of action. He formulated his plans, and then he acted. The exact date in 1820 on which the harbor work was begun is not on record. The work was prosecuted under extreme difficulty, and the result of the first two days of work was destroyed by the action of the waves on the second night. Judge Wilkeson writes:

"Two plans had been proposed for the work; one by driving- parallel lines of piles, and filling up the intermediate space with brush and stone; and the other by a pier of hewn timber, filled with stone. The later plan

was adopted * * * the timber intended for piles was used in the construction of cribs, three of which were put down the first day.

"The first two days after commencing the work, the lake was calm; but the succeeding night a heavy swell set in, and the waves acting on the outside of the cribs forced the sand and gravel from under them, sinking the ends of some, the sides of others, and throwing them out of line, the whole presenting a most discouraging appearance."

One might well imagine that it would be discouraging to a man who was not experienced in engineering matters. However, there was a rift in the clouds of perplexity that hovered over Samuel Wilkeson, the superintendent. He writes: "Fortunately a little brush had been accidentally thrown to the windward side of one of the piers, which became covered with sand, and preserved this pier from the fate of the others." There he found the key to his problem. "Profiting by this discovery every crib subsequently put down was placed on a thick bed of brush, extending several feet to the windward of it."

But other "unforeseen difficulties" arose. The cribs could only be put down when the lake was perfectly smooth. So they decided to fit them up on the shore, so far as was possible. The opposite timbers were made secure with six feet ties, timbers were bored and numbered, and then floated to their respective places. There they were assembled, the trunnels, two feet long and made of oak or hickory, were driven home, and the crib put together in an hour. It would be secured with stone the same day. Judge Wilkeson's faithfulness to the underlying principle of the undertaking, i.e., economy, is indicated in the following paragraph of the record:

"Neither clerk, nor other assistant, not even a carpenter to lay out the work, was employed for the first two months, to aid the superintendent, who, besides directing all the labor, making contracts, receiving materials, etc., labored in the water with the men, as much exposed as themselves, and conformed to the rules prescribed to them of commencing work at daylight and continuing until dark, allowing half an hour for breakfast and an hour for dinner. Besides the labors of the day, he was often detained until late at night, waiting the arrival of boats, to measure their loads of stone, and to see them delivered in the pier, as without this vigilance some of the boatmen would unload their stone into the lake, which was easier than to deposit it in the pier."

As the pier-construction proceeded, and the deeper water was reached, "the cost of the work alarmingly increased." It was decided "to suspend operations for that year, on reaching seven and a half feet of water." Possibly they hoped to gather additional funds during the winter months. But if the future of the harbor was uncertain, in matters of money and of use, the builders had had the satisfaction of seeing that the cribs could make a harbor. Samuel Wilkeson writes:

"On the 7th of September, after the timber work was completed, and while the pier was but partially filled with stone, two small vessels came under its lee and made fast. Towards evening appearances indicated a storm, and while the superintendent and captains were deliberating whether the vessels might not endanger the pier and perhaps carry away that part to which they were fastened, the gale commenced, rendering it impossible to remove the vessels otherwise than by casting them loose and letting them go on the beach. This was proposed by the superintendent and agreed to by the captains, on condition (in the event) that the safety of the pier should appear to be endangered by the vessels. Both the pier and the vessels, however, remained uninjured through the storm, which was regarded as no mean test of the utility and permanence of the works. The pier, which at this time extended 50 rods into the lake, was in a few days filled with stone, and the operations upon it suspended for the season."

During the stormy fall months the people of Buffalo watched the effect of the waves on the pier with anxiety. "The position was the most exposed on the lake," and if the work should be destroyed by gales, or by ice, "the fund remaining would be insufficient to repair the damage and extend the work to the requisite distance to make a harbor." The pier was then about 600 feet long-. However, it withstood the worst that equinoctial gales, or spring ice, could do to it, the pressure "not even removing a timber."

But another perplexity faced the Harbor Company officials. The pier was only part of the harbor plan: "A most difficult part of the plan for forming a harbor was yet to be executed, and the more difficult because the expense would depend upon contingencies which the company could not control." Buffalo Creek, in 1820, entered the lake about sixty rods north of its present mouth, running for some distance nearly parallel with the shore. A new channel had to be cut across this bank of sand. It did not seem an impossible or an expensive task, and with scrapers and the voluntary assistance of citizens, work was begun on it in November. But three feet below the surface the bank was found to be formed of a "heavy compact body of coarse gravel and small stones," which the workers felt would, "if removed by the current of the creek," block up their channel in another place. Therefore the scraping was discontinued before water-level had been reached, and the subject of forming a new channel was "laid over for further consideration."

In the spring, and before work had been recommenced on the pier, an attempt was made to form a new channel. A dam was built across Buffalo Creek, at the required point. The water was raised about three feet. Then, by breaking the sandbank at the western end of the dam, "a current was formed sufficient strong to remove about fifteen feet of the adjoining bank to the depth of eight feet." The dam was extended across the new channel '. And when the dam would be full, the water would be released, causing much excavation. This easy method was repeated until the new channel had been pushed to within a few feet of the lake. Then an Act of God changed all of their plans. Judge Wilkeson writes:

The work was arrested by one of the most extraordinary rises of the lake perhaps ever witnessed. About seven o'clock in the morning, the lake being entirely calm, the water suddenly rose, and by a single swell swept away the logs that secured the materials in the dam, broke away the dam on the east side, wholly destroyed the west end, which was made of plank, and left the whole a total wreck. A more discouraging scene can scarcely be imagined."

It appears that the swell was caused by a tornado, "an extraordinary vein of wind," which, crossing the lake a few miles above Buffalo, had proceeded eastward, and "prostrated the timber in its course." Upon examination, it was found that the dam had lost about thirty feet of its eastern end, and that it had been weakened throughout. And an even worse calamity was almost upon them, for "a northeast wind commenced blowing, accompanied by a heavy rain." A flood had been hoped for, but now they prayed that it would not come. They saw that unless the dam could be repaired within twenty-four hours, a freshet might destroy all that they had been working to accomplish, and perhaps undermine the pier. Volunteers and paid men, all loyal Buffalonians, set to work with a will, and worked far into the night, by the light of torch, and despite torrential rain, in an endeavor to make the dam tolerably strong again. The freshet came, and after it had subsided it was found that it had accomplished as much work for Buffalo, in excavating their new channel, as could have been bought "for more than the whole of the harbor fund."

The harbor makers had succeeded; a kindly Providence had seen them triumphantly emerge from their difficulties. Wilkeson writes: "From this time, small vessels could enter and depart from Buffalo Harbor without interruption and the entry of two or three vessels in a day excited more interest then, than the arrival of a hundred large vessels and boats would now."

There were other obstacles to overcome before the pier could be carried into the deeper water to its full length of eighty rods, and to 12 feet of water; and in overcoming these; their improvised pile-driver was invaluable. Apparently they had not been able to prevail upon Joseph Ellicott to lend, or rent his apparatus. Their own pile-driver had been partly constructed in I820, but had no hammer. It was ready for their use in the spring of 1821, after they had improvised a hammer. Wilkeson writes: "A good substitute for a hammer was found in a United States mortar used during the last war, but which had lost one of its trunnions. After breaking off the other, two holes were bored through the end for the staple by which to hoist it * * * it proved to be an excellent hammer of about 2,000 pounds weight. The machinery to raise the hammer was of the cheapest and simplest kind, and worked by a single horse."

Part I Part III

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